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The Indian ExpressMarch 23, 2026

For India, the costs of the Iran war beyond LPG

The headline impact of the ongoing US-Israel versus Iran war in India has so far largely been limited to gas — LPG for cooking and LNG for industries. Within that, the shortages have been significant in specific segments such as commercial LPG consumers (restaurants, dhabas, canteens and also migrant labour households with no regular cylinder connections) and producers reliant on natural gas feedstock from fertilisers and petrochemicals to ceramics and sponge iron. On the other hand, the supply of petrol, diesel, piped and compressed natural gas for homes and vehicles has seen no major disruptions. The delivery of domestic LPG cylinders, too, has been maintained at pre-war levels, with the government claiming a reduction in panic bookings and no cases of dry-outs at any distributorships. In other words, the crisis has been managed to the extent possible — for now.

But if the war drags on, the second-order effects will start showing. The tiles and sanitaryware units in Gujarat’s Morbi aren’t the only ones that have shut. As gas supplies to petrochemical plants are curtailed, it would force cuts in production of polyethylene, polypropylene and polyvinyl chloride. That, in turn, will affect the manufacturers that convert these polymers, whether into bottles, buckets and pipes and fittings or virgin plastic film for milk pouches and other food and non-food packing materials. The same goes for polyester and other synthetic textile fibres, whose prices have moved up in tandem with crude. Much of the world’s semiconductors come from Taiwan and South Korea. With their foundries overwhelmingly dependent on LNG and helium gas imports from West Asia, the war’s downstream effects on smartphones, consumer electronics, automobiles and artificial intelligence — basically any industry powered by chips — is also a matter of time.

This war isn’t just a demand shock likeCovid-19or an energy price shock that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine triggered. It is rather more of a negative supply shock. Any such shock shifting the aggregate supply curve leftward can potentially both lower output and raise price levels in the economy (“stagflation”). During the pandemic, the government provided money and free food to millions, just as it slashed excise duties on transport fuels and increased the fertiliser subsidy outgo after the Russia-Ukraine war. The usual fiscal or monetary policy levers cannot work when supply chains have broken, with economic agents struggling to access both energy and shipping lanes. The only hope is that the war ends soon. Even if it does, one must prepare for more sluggish growth and structurally higher inflation in the immediate term.

Key GK Takeaways for CLAT
  • 1The ongoing US-Israel versus Iran conflict creates a significant negative supply shock for India, impacting key sectors beyond just LPG. This disruption curtails production of essential polymers like polyethylene and PVC, affecting manufacturers of everyday goods and packaging. Such a shock risks stagflation, characterized by lower output and higher price levels, challenging economic stability and consumer affordability.
  • 2The US-Israel versus Iran conflict underscores the fragility of global supply chains and India's energy security, particularly its reliance on West Asian LNG and helium. This geopolitical instability necessitates India's proactive diplomatic engagement to secure diversified energy sources and protect its economic interests from such external shocks, highlighting the interconnectedness of international relations and domestic economic well-being.
  • 3The current conflict highlights the limitations of traditional fiscal and monetary policy levers for governments, including India, when faced with severe global supply chain disruptions. While the government managed initial LPG supply, sustained negative supply shocks, as described, render typical economic interventions ineffective. This necessitates a re-evaluation of governance strategies for national resilience against external economic vulnerabilities.
  • 4The widespread shortages of essential commodities like LPG and industrial feedstock, as highlighted by the conflict, could trigger legal interventions under the Essential Commodities Act, 1955. This statute empowers the government to regulate supply and distribution to prevent hoarding or black marketing. Violations could lead to penal provisions under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) for offences affecting public order and economic stability.

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For India, the costs of the Iran war beyond LPG