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The HinduApril 26, 2026

Incremental change: On Corporate Average Fuel Efficiency-III

In mid-April, news broke that India’s automakers had unanimously agreed to a new fuel efficiency and emissions reduction target proposed by the Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE), the sector’s standards-setting body. This follows a controversy late last year, driven largely by differences between Maruti Suzuki — which commands an overwhelming share of the small-car segment — and other manufacturers. The earlier proposal had effectively created a carve-out for small cars, a segment that accounts for about 14%-15% of passenger vehicle sales, delaying the shift to cleaner fuels and technologies. Larger carmakers, meanwhile, were required to meet more stringent targets, putting them at a relative disadvantage in terms of pricing and investment. While this triggered a relook at the proposed emissions norms, what has emerged is only marginally better. In fact, some provisions appear counterproductive to reducing emissions and decarbonising the transport sector — India’s third-largest source of greenhouse gas emissions. At first glance, the headline reduction in Corporate Average Fuel Efficiency (CAFE) targets — from about 113 grams of CO2 per kilometre under CAFE-II to 77 g/km by 2031-32 under CAFE-III — appears ambitious. The new cycle is proposed to run from April 2027 to March 2032. However, the framework’s flexible design may weaken compliance and slow the urgent transition to cleaner technologies, especially electrification.

To be sure, the explicit carve-out for small cars has been removed, but it has been replaced by several alternative compliance pathways. These include credits for higher ethanol blending (from E20 to E85-compatible vehicles) and for incremental efficiency technologies such as start-stop systems, regenerative braking, and tyre pressure monitoring systems. While useful, these are marginal improvements that allow manufacturers to meet targets without a structural shift to electric mobility. The BEE has also proposed super-credits, where certain technologies count multiple times towards compliance — for instance, a battery electric vehicle could count as three vehicles. Combined with credit banking and trading, this creates a system in which manufacturers with an early technological lead can accumulate surplus credits and sell them to laggards. Further, compliance is to be assessed over three-year blocks rather than annually, allowing manufacturers to average performance over time. This reduces immediate pressure and weakens the signalling effect that regulations are meant to provide. At a time of fossil fuel volatility, this policy appears too weak to drive meaningful change in a sector that is central to climate mitigation, India’s energy security, and macroeconomic stability. Without sharper incentives, CAFE-III risks becoming a framework that manages emissions on paper rather than transforming them in practice.

Key GK Takeaways for CLAT
  • 1From a polity and governance perspective, the Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE), a statutory body, has designed the CAFE-III norms with significant flexibility. Mechanisms like credit trading and block-based compliance reflect a governance model that prioritizes incremental change and industry consensus over aggressive regulatory enforcement. This approach, balancing economic interests of automakers with environmental goals, could be questioned for its efficacy in achieving national climate targets.
  • 2In international relations, the CAFE-III norms are a domestic instrument for India to meet its Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement. The policy's perceived leniency, which may slow the transition to electric vehicles, could affect India's credibility in global climate negotiations. This illustrates the critical link between a nation's internal environmental policies and its international diplomatic standing on climate action.
  • 3The CAFE-III regulations, established under the Energy Conservation Act, 2001, constitute a form of delegated legislation. The framework's flexible compliance pathways could potentially be challenged in court for not adequately fulfilling the constitutional mandate under Article 21, which includes the right to a clean environment. This raises legal questions about the reasonableness of the policy and its potential for judicial review.
  • 4Economically, the CAFE-III framework establishes a market-based mechanism through credit banking and trading, potentially benefiting technologically advanced automakers while allowing others to delay innovation. This impacts market competition, consumer vehicle prices, and India's macroeconomic stability by potentially prolonging dependence on imported fossil fuels. The policy's structure influences investment decisions and the overall pace of technological transition in a key industrial sector.