Santa Marta climate meeting’s roadmaps must be translated into actual policy
In the last week of April, representatives from more than 50 countries gathered at Santa Marta in Colombia for a climate conference born of frustration with the UN-administered negotiations. The deliberations ended on Wednesday with a call for participating countries to develop national roadmaps to end the use of fossil fuels — in fact, France pledged to phase out oil and gas use between 2030 and 2050. The UNFCCC’s CoPs have almost always come unstuck on the issue of fossil fuels. By operating outside the consensus-bound framework, the Colombia conference gave itself the leeway to advance faster than CoPs. However, the very feature that imparted dynamism to Colombia also limited its potency. Three of the highest GHG emitters — the US, China and India — were not represented at Santa Marta.
It would, however, be wrong to dismiss the meet as inconsequential. The participating countries represented nearly 50 per cent of the global GDP. They agreed to align their trade and finance policies with green transition plans, potentially creating momentum towards faster decarbonisation. But beyond the combined economic weight of its participants, the conference was significant in bringing countries representing different economic segments onto the same page. While UN climate meets have often been riven by discord between developed countries, emerging economies, developing countries and small island states, it was heartening that representatives of France, Germany and Spain worked together with delegates from Brazil, Nigeria, Nepal and several other countries with varying economic clout at Santa Marta. UN meetings have not avoided reconciling different climate realities. However, that has only meant postponement of difficult decisions. The Colombia meet could be the first step towards challenging the ambiguity that has allowed countries to pledge climate action while continuing fossil fuel expansion.
That said, the Santa Mara meet should not be seen as a parallel to the UN processes. Climate change is too complicated to be left to one global agency. It requires building alliances at several levels — between like-minded countries, among civil-society groups and business organisations. Climate delegates showed rare maturity in the past week. The participating countries will now need to translate roadmaps into actual policy and develop financial mechanisms to support transitions in poorer nations — that’s where most UNFCCC meetings have faltered.
- 1The Santa Marta call for national roadmaps highlights the crucial role of domestic governance in translating international climate goals into actionable policy. In India, this aligns with constitutional mandates like Article 48A (protection and improvement of environment) and Article 51A(g) (duty to protect natural environment), guiding government actions. Effective implementation requires inter-ministerial coordination and robust regulatory frameworks, often spearheaded by bodies like NITI Aayog for strategic planning towards net-zero targets by 2070.
- 2The Santa Marta conference, operating outside the UN framework, underscores the evolving multi-polar nature of climate diplomacy, where minilateral groups complement broader multilateral efforts. India, a key player, often champions the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC) in forums like the G20 and UNFCCC. Its absence from Santa Marta, alongside China and the US, highlights the geopolitical complexities and differing national priorities in global climate action, even as India actively promotes initiatives like the International Solar Alliance.
- 3Translating climate roadmaps into actual policy requires robust legal and regulatory frameworks, both nationally and internationally, to ensure accountability and enforceability. India's Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement legally bind it to specific emission reduction targets, supported by domestic laws like the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. The challenge lies in creating international mechanisms that move beyond voluntary pledges, as seen in the Kyoto Protocol's limited success, towards legally binding instruments with clear sanctions for non-compliance.
- 4The economic imperative of green transition and decarbonisation, as discussed at Santa Marta, necessitates significant financial mechanisms, particularly for developing nations. The global target of mobilising $100 billion annually in climate finance, often unmet, remains crucial for technology transfer and capacity building in countries like India. Achieving net-zero emissions by 2070, as pledged by India, requires massive investments in renewable energy, such as achieving 500 GW non-fossil fuel capacity by 2030, while ensuring a just transition for fossil-fuel dependent communities.