Santa Marta climate meeting’s roadmaps must be translated into actual policy
In the last week of April, representatives from more than 50 countries gathered at Santa Marta in Colombia for a climate conference born of frustration with the UN-administered negotiations. The deliberations ended on Wednesday with a call for participating countries to develop national roadmaps to end the use of fossil fuels — in fact, France pledged to phase out oil and gas use between 2030 and 2050. The UNFCCC’s CoPs have almost always come unstuck on the issue of fossil fuels. By operating outside the consensus-bound framework, the Colombia conference gave itself the leeway to advance faster than CoPs. However, the very feature that imparted dynamism to Colombia also limited its potency. Three of the highest GHG emitters — the US, China and India — were not represented at Santa Marta.
It would, however, be wrong to dismiss the meet as inconsequential. The participating countries represented nearly 50 per cent of the global GDP. They agreed to align their trade and finance policies with green transition plans, potentially creating momentum towards faster decarbonisation. But beyond the combined economic weight of its participants, the conference was significant in bringing countries representing different economic segments onto the same page. While UN climate meets have often been riven by discord between developed countries, emerging economies, developing countries and small island states, it was heartening that representatives of France, Germany and Spain worked together with delegates from Brazil, Nigeria, Nepal and several other countries with varying economic clout at Santa Marta. UN meetings have not avoided reconciling different climate realities. However, that has only meant postponement of difficult decisions. The Colombia meet could be the first step towards challenging the ambiguity that has allowed countries to pledge climate action while continuing fossil fuel expansion.
That said, the Santa Mara meet should not be seen as a parallel to the UN processes. Climate change is too complicated to be left to one global agency. It requires building alliances at several levels — between like-minded countries, among civil-society groups and business organisations. Climate delegates showed rare maturity in the past week. The participating countries will now need to translate roadmaps into actual policy and develop financial mechanisms to support transitions in poorer nations — that’s where most UNFCCC meetings have faltered.
- 1The Santa Marta meeting highlights the challenge of translating international climate commitments into national governance frameworks, especially when traditional UN consensus mechanisms falter. In India, Article 253 of the Constitution empowers Parliament to legislate for implementing international agreements, demonstrating the constitutional pathway for such policy integration. However, actual implementation requires robust national roadmaps and inter-ministerial coordination, reflecting the complex interplay between global pledges and domestic policy execution under India's federal structure.
- 2The Santa Marta conference exemplifies the growing trend of "minilateralism" in international relations, where a smaller group of like-minded nations seeks to advance specific agendas outside broader, often gridlocked, multilateral forums like the UNFCCC. While three major emitters—US, China, and India—were absent, the meeting's ability to unite diverse economic segments, from France to Brazil, signifies a potential shift in climate diplomacy dynamics. India, a proponent of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC), often navigates these complex geopolitical currents, balancing development needs with its 2070 net-zero pledge.
- 3The Santa Marta call for national roadmaps to phase out fossil fuels necessitates robust legal and regulatory frameworks at the domestic level to ensure compliance and enforce green transitions. Implementing such policies involves applying principles like the 'Polluter Pays' and 'Precautionary Principle', which are fundamental to environmental jurisprudence globally and in India. The National Green Tribunal (NGT) in India, established under the National Green Tribunal Act, 2010, plays a crucial role in adjudicating environmental disputes and ensuring effective enforcement of environmental laws like the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986.
- 4The Santa Marta meeting's emphasis on aligning trade and finance policies with green transition plans underscores the critical economic shift required for global decarbonisation, particularly through mechanisms supporting poorer nations. This aligns with Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) like SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) and SDG 13 (Climate Action), highlighting the interconnectedness of environmental and developmental objectives. The economic challenge lies in mobilising significant climate finance, far exceeding the pledged $100 billion annually for developing countries, to ensure a just transition that mitigates social impacts and prevents further fossil fuel expansion.
