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The HinduJune 20, 2026

Defection as merger: On politics, the wave of defections

There is something deeply troubling about the wave of defections sweeping India’s elected representatives, Members of Parliament chief among them. In the latest episode, six Shiv Sena (UBT) MPs are seeking to join the Eknath Shinde faction of the Sena, which emerged after an earlier split in the parent party. This group constitutes exactly two-thirds of the party’s Lok Sabha strength, giving them the escape route that their crossover will constitute a merger under the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution , or the anti-defection law . Under the Tenth Schedule, a member can be disqualified if they voluntarily resign from their party or defy a party whip during a division of votes in the House. In 2003, the law was strengthened by an amendment that removed the earlier “split” provision — which had allowed one-third of a party’s members to defect without penalty — and retained only the “merger” exception, under which disqualification does not apply if two-thirds of a party’s legislators agree to merge with another party. Engineered splits are now dressed up as mergers, letting groups defect without inviting disqualification. The legal validity of such claims is itself contested, as the Supreme Court of India has, in a past judgment, made clear that a merger cannot be of the legislature party alone, and must involve the parent party as well. With the Court holding back judgments on several constitutional questions related to this, presiding officers keep waving through such stretched claims — and the practice keeps gathering pace. The Sena splintering follows close on the heels of the TMC rebellion. A rebel group claiming the support of 20 of the TMC’s 28 Lok Sabha MPs — led by four-time MP Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar — has aligned itself with the BJP-led NDA, seeking a merger with another party . In April, AAP MPs in the Rajya Sabha had joined the BJP, reducing AAP’s Rajya Sabha strength from 10 to three. Now, three TMC members of the Rajya Sabha, Sukhendu Sekhar Ray, Sushmita Dev and Prakash Chik Baraik, have resigned. For all practical purposes, the Tenth Schedule has become redundant and irrelevant, as the Court keeps key decisions pending. The surge in these crossovers, which has the cumulative effect of increasing the strength of the ruling NDA in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, raises questions beyond technicalities. At present, the NDA does not have the two-thirds majority in Parliament needed to pass constitutional amendments. The threshold of two-thirds for constitutional amendments is kept high to ensure a wide political consensus. Bypassing that intent through defections — whatever name they go by — is an affront to representative democracy and the spirit of the Constitution. Published - June 20, 2026 12:20 am IST Read Comments Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit READ LATER SEE ALL Remove Related Topics politics / election / parliament / Shiv Sena-Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray / Lok Sabha / constitution / court / All India Trinamool Congress / Aam Aadmi Party / Rajya Sabha / National Democratic Alliance

Key GK Takeaways for CLAT
  • 1The Tenth Schedule (anti-defection law), added by the 52nd Constitutional Amendment 1985, disqualifies legislators who voluntarily resign from their party or defy a party whip. The 91st Amendment 2003 removed the earlier one-third 'split' provision, retaining only the two-thirds 'merger' exception. The editorial warns that this merger loophole has itself become the new vehicle for engineered defections, rendering the Schedule practically redundant.
  • 2The wave of defections from Shiv Sena (UBT), TMC, and AAP towards the BJP-led NDA reflects a consolidation of political power at the Centre. The Supreme Court's delay in deciding key constitutional questions on mergers gives the NDA time to consolidate its parliamentary majority. If the ruling alliance reaches the two-thirds threshold, it would gain the power to amend the Constitution — a threshold constitutionally reserved to reflect broad national consensus across party lines.
  • 3The Supreme Court's judgment in Nabam Rebia v. Deputy Speaker (2016) and the Keisham Meghachandra Singh case (2020) examined the scope of the Tenth Schedule and the Speaker's disqualification powers. The Court's reference of constitutional questions to a larger bench has created a legal vacuum. Presiding officers, exploiting this vacuum, continue to accept merger claims without judicial scrutiny, effectively nullifying the anti-defection framework that the Constitution's framers designed as a safeguard.
  • 4Representative democracy's legitimacy rests on the electoral mandate — voters elect members to represent specific parties and their platforms. When elected members switch sides en masse, the political composition of Parliament diverges from the mandate given by millions of voters. The cumulative effect of recent defections — AAP's Rajya Sabha seat count falling from 10 to 3, potential TMC and Shiv Sena losses — materially shifts the balance of power in both Houses without a fresh electoral verdict.