Happy birthday, America, you are no more an only child
Birthdays, for people and nations, are an occasion for celebration, for pageantry that would appear gauche on most other days. Add to that a chief executive who has doubled down on jingoistic nationalism and the triumphalism surrounding the United States of America’s 250th Independence Day is understandable. Even so, the Ultimate Fighting Championship event on the White House lawns last month that carried the unsubtle symbolism of a Roman emperor presiding over a gladiatorial contest was a bit much. A major anniversary, however, is also an occasion for major reflection. While much about America remains exceptional, in a changing world the self-conception of its exceptionalism might require revision. The philosophical and political underpinnings of US success, and the American model, can be found in the Declaration of Independence and the country’s constitution. “Life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” foregrounds the individual, and the optimism of what was seen by colonial settlers as a “new world”. It encompasses both the American dream and its hypocrisies and exploitations — vis-à-vis indigenous populations, Black people, and migrants. The idea of natural rights, of inalienable freedoms, found its greatest expression in the US. The historic move away from constraining feudalism and an embrace of earned wealth and success laid the foundations for its knowledge economy, innovation, military power and even Hollywood. The latter, through cinema, TV and now OTT, continues to determine the cultural vocabulary of a significant chunk of the world population. US oligarchs control the latest industries and innovation. And yet, all is not well with the world’s oldest democracy. Donald Trumpis seen by his many critics as undermining the foundations on which the American story was built — from its universities and free trade, to its openness and institutions. The question is whether he is the architect of this erosion or its symptom. Since the fall of communism in Europe and the end of the Cold War, the US has seen itself as the lone superpower —not just in terms of its economy or military, but also in terms of values. The “end of history”, though, turned out to be short-lived. China, authoritarianism intact, has emerged as the world’s factory and a competitor, in no small part thanks to US businesses and policies. Middle powers like India, Brazil, Australia are making their mark, on their own terms. At 250, America is no longer an only child. That can’t be wished away by nostalgia or celebration.
- 1On governance and constitutionalism, the US Constitution's framework of enumerated powers and checks and balances, discussed via the Declaration of Independence's natural rights philosophy, has historically been contrasted with India's Constitution, which blends fundamental rights under Part III with directive principles reflecting a welfare-state vision. Comparative constitutional law often studies how the American individualist model differs from India's more socially oriented constitutional design. This contrast is useful for essay-type CLAT questions on comparative governance philosophies.
- 2Geopolitically, the editorial's framing of a shift from unipolarity to multipolarity echoes real-world developments such as the expansion of BRICS, now including new members since 2024, and the increasing assertiveness of the Global South at forums like the G20, which India chaired in 2023. Middle powers like India, Brazil and Australia increasingly pursue strategic autonomy rather than aligning fully with either the US or China. This trend is central to understanding contemporary international relations questions on power transition theory.
- 3On the legal and institutional front, the erosion concerns raised, regarding US universities, free trade, and institutions, tie into ongoing debates around US Supreme Court decisions affecting affirmative action, such as Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (2023), and tariff actions taken under trade statutes like Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act. These legal shifts are often cited as evidence of institutional strain within a system historically admired for its stability. Comparative law students should track how domestic US legal battles ripple into its global soft power.
- 4Economically, China's manufacturing dominance is reflected in it accounting for roughly 28 to 30 percent of global manufacturing output in recent years, compared to the United States' share of around 16 to 17 percent, a reversal from decades past. The US economy remains the world's largest by nominal GDP, at approximately 27 to 28 trillion dollars, but its relative share of global GDP has declined from over 40 percent in 1960 to roughly 25 percent today. These figures substantiate the editorial's claim that the unipolar moment has structurally weakened even as absolute US power remains formidable.