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The HinduAugust 15, 2026

House in disorder: On the monsoon session of Parliament

Just as the monsoon session of Parliament began on July 20, the student protest demanding the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan , as Union Education Minister, gathered momentum. The BJP had the context and the confidence to turn the session into a theatre of its triumph, powered, most remarkably, by its victory in the West Bengal Assembly election. But the popular reaction to the brutal crackdown on the protesting students by the Delhi Police turned its plans upside down, as rogue policemen were filmed assaulting and attempting to sexually abuse young people. Though no accountability has yet been fixed for the blatant violations of the law by police personnel, the BJP and the Union government have had to face sustained criticism from the Opposition and sections of public opinion. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah barely attended the proceedings. Several Bills were passed, with inadequate deliberation. The government passed a Bill which facilitates the operation of a February guideline by the Home Ministry on the mandatory singing of the full version of Vande Mataram, the national song, at state functions. The Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, passed amid Opposition protests, overlooks concerns about its potential to undermine federalism and the rights of those on resource-rich land. The amendment to mining regulations follows the unfortunate pattern of hurried lawmaking and the continuing expansion of the powers of the central government at the cost of States and local communities. The session also legislated stronger measures against malpractices in examinations, in an effort to calm the anger of students. Whether those measures will be adequate to restore trust in the education system, remains to be seen. Mr. Pradhan eventually resigned during the session. Two other legislative attempts, the first, to rush through a new architecture for the delimitation process and the second, to regulate foreign contributions, did not entirely materialise, but both remain alive. It need not have been this way. The government should hold broader and more transparent consultations on both delimitation and the proposed FCRA amendments. The FCRA Amendment Bill will now be examined by a Joint Parliamentary Committee, but the exercise should not be reduced to a mere numbers game. The Centre must convene an all-party meeting, circulate draft legislation, and consult State Chief Ministers on its proposals on delimitation. The Opposition may have succeeded in stalling the government’s moves on delimitation and the FCRA, but it should not be triumphant. As the BJP itself discovered, political circumstances can turn rapidly. At any rate, Parliament should not be treated as a gladiatorial arena where one side vanquishes the other. It must remain a forum for constant conversation and the collective pursuit of solutions to the problems confronting the nation. Published - August 15, 2026 12:20 am IST Read Comments Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit READ LATER SEE ALL Remove Related Topics Parliament proceedings / parliament / students / Delhi / ministers (government) / education / West Bengal Assembly Elections 2026 / Bharatiya Janata Party / Narendra Modi / law / mining / foreign aid / Delimitation

Key GK Takeaways for CLAT
  • 1Constitutionally, delimitation of Lok Sabha and Assembly constituencies is governed by Article 82, which allows Parliament to enact a Delimitation Act after each census, while Article 170 covers Assembly seats. Because delimitation reallocates seats based on population, southern and smaller states fear losing relative political weight to larger northern states, making transparent, broad-based consultation essential before any new architecture is legislated. CLAT aspirants should remember that delimitation last occurred based on the 1971 census, frozen until 2026 under the 84th Constitutional Amendment.
  • 2Domestically, the episode reflects a broader pattern of Union Government dominance over cooperative federalism, seen also in the mining amendment bill's implications for state control over mineral resources. Entry 23 and 24 of the State List cover regulation of mines and minerals, but Entry 54 of the Union List allows Parliament to override state control when it declares such regulation expedient in public interest. This tension between Union and State legislative competence over natural resources is a recurring CLAT theme tested through the Seventh Schedule.
  • 3On the legal-regulatory front, the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act, 2010 (FCRA) governs receipt of foreign funds by NGOs and associations in India, and any amendment referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee undergoes detailed multi-party scrutiny before becoming law. The Supreme Court in Noel Harper v. Union of India (2022) upheld strict FCRA amendment provisions, including the ban on sub-granting foreign funds, reasoning that receiving foreign contributions is not an absolute or vested right. This precedent is directly relevant to understanding the constitutional limits on NGO funding regulation.
  • 4Socially and politically, the resignation of a Union Cabinet Minister following sustained student protest is a rare event, with only a handful of ministerial resignations occurring in India since 2014 under public pressure. The monsoon session, typically held from mid-July to August, is one of three annual parliamentary sessions alongside the Budget and Winter sessions, and productivity data from PRS Legislative Research shows several recent sessions losing over 30 percent of scheduled time to disruptions, underscoring the editorial's concern about inadequate deliberation.