Rebuilding ties: On India engaging with Turkiye and Azerbaijan
New Delhi’s recent moves to re-engage diplomatically and hold Foreign Office Consultations with diplomats in
Turkiye and
Azerbaijan is a considerable shift in the government’s policy, especially over the past year. Since the India-Pakistan conflict and
Operation Sindoo r in May 2025, the government had expressed its anger not just at Pakistan, but at countries that were seen as supportive of Pakistan, diplomatically or militarily during the conflict. In particular, the Ministry of External Affairs had expressed its disappointment with statements made by Turkiye, Azerbaijan and Malaysia, that questioned the government’s decision to launch strikes on terror sites in Pakistan after the Pahalgam terror attacks. During briefings about Operation Sindoor, as the 96-hour military conflict from May 7-10 was named, the government left out envoys from countries that it felt had not expressed solidarity with India. In a military briefing in July, the deputy chief of army staff said India had had to contend with at least three adversaries on its border with Pakistan, including Türkiye. Azerbaijan too was believed to have helped Pakistan with technological support. Trade and tourism to Turkiye and Azerbaijan dropped significantly for several months, as calls to boycott them went out from influential accounts. During its evacuation of Indians from Iran after US-Israel airstrikes on nuclear installations in June 2025, the MEA pointedly told those heading out by land routes to use Armenia and Turkmenistan, not either Turkiye or Azerbaijan. In addition, foreign policy commentary suggested that India was building an alliance of India, Armenia, Greece as a counter to their age-old rivals Pakistan, Azerbaijan and Turkiye, who had already formed a strong trilateral grouping. Given the heated rhetoric, and the freeze in diplomatic ties, the decision to send Secretary West in the MEA, Sibi George, to Baku to revive Foreign office consultations with Azerbaijani counterparts last week, and to invite the Turkish Deputy Foreign Minister to Delhi this week, are significant diplomatic moves that indicate that the governments in Baku and Ankara too feel that better bilateral relations are in their interests.
In a world more fraught with conflicts that fast spiral out of control, it is necessary for New Delhi to pick its diplomatic battles more carefully. The quick escalation from government demarches to online outrage and calls for boycotts, have in the past few years had a detrimental impact on bilateral ties with close friends and neighbours as well. With countries that are adversaries, as both Turkiye and Azerbaijan have been, given their closeness to Pakistan, and positions on the Kashmir dispute, New Delhi must consider its options with less emotion and more pragmatism. India has traditionally managed relations between sparring rivals without allowing itself to be hyphenated with Pakistan, or by falling into multilateral “camps”.
- 1India's foreign policy, steered by the Ministry of External Affairs, is pivoting from a reactive to a pragmatic approach in its engagement with Turkiye and Azerbaijan. Following strained ties post-'Operation Sindoor' in May 2025 due to their pro-Pakistan stance, the resumption of Foreign Office Consultations indicates a strategic move to delink bilateral relations from third-country hyphenation and avoid rigid geopolitical blocs.
- 2The executive branch's role in shaping foreign policy is evident in the government's handling of relations with Turkiye and Azerbaijan. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) directs diplomatic strategy, balancing national security inputs from the military establishment. This dynamic showcases the governance structure where the political executive makes the final call on diplomatic re-engagement, prioritizing long-term strategic interests over immediate reactions to conflicts.
- 3The diplomatic friction following 'Operation Sindoor' highlights the direct economic and social impact of foreign policy decisions. The official censure of Turkiye and Azerbaijan, amplified by public calls for boycotts, resulted in a significant decline in trade and tourism between the nations. This demonstrates how geopolitical tensions can translate into tangible economic losses and disrupt people-to-people contact, impacting sectors reliant on international ties.
- 4The Union government's authority to manage international relations, as seen with Turkiye and Azerbaijan, is rooted in the Constitution of India. Foreign affairs and diplomacy are subjects under the Union List (Entries 10, 13, 14 of Schedule VII), granting the central executive exclusive power. The MEA's actions, from issuing demarches to re-initiating dialogue, are a direct exercise of this constitutional mandate to safeguard national interests.
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